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Kevin Barry Commemoration - A Shameful Sacrifice To Terrorism

Article 4 ~ December 2001

If any proof were required that an all-Ireland unitary State would be a cold place for Protestants, it was provided by the day-long homage paid by the Republic of Ireland to 10 I.R.A. men hanged by the British for murder and high treason during the Troubles of the early 1920s.

Church and State united to pay tribute to the memory of Kevin Barry and the nine other men convicted and sentenced for crimes in the 1920-21 period. The passage of 81 years did not dilute the devotion and the fervour of republicans for Barry and his fellow I.R.A. men and the applause which rang out along the route of the cortage from Mountjoy Prison through the centre of Dublin, the GPO and outside Glasnevin Cemetery proved that there is certainly no feeling on the part of many people in the Republic that physical force to remove the British was wrong.

For Protestants the most comforting aspect of the whole affair was the address by Cardinal Daly inside the Pro-Cathedral in which he stressed to the packed cathedral the fact that one million Protestants in Northern Ireland would not and should not be bombed into a united Ireland.

He spoke very well and reminded everyone that there is another dimension - the Protestant one - but apart from this the long day belonged to 'Catholic nationalist Ireland'.

Of course, the Republic of Ireland is entitled to honour the memory of its heroes and icons of the struggle of the 1920s, but it cannot have it both ways, paying lip service to the need to end physical force and at the same time glorifying those who took up the gun and murdered to achieve their ideals.

The 1920s struggle was a dirty and vicious affair, and the crimes for which the 10 men paid the ultimate penalty included the murder of soldiers and policemen, mostly in ambush.

The case of Kevin Barry is a moot point, and amid all the orations delivered on the day, there was no reference to the victims. Barry was 18 and that is why he has been remembered in ballad and song for the 81 years since.

But there was another lad of 18 summers whose name was not mentioned - Private Matthew Whitehead. He was the young soldier Barry was convicted of murdering on September 20, 1920. The young private was one of three teenage soldiers shot dead at the junction of Church Street and King Street in central Dublin, one a boy soldier of 15 years of age.

The three unarmed soldiers had gone to Monks bakery to collect bread - there was an armed guard - when they were ambushed and shot dead. Barry was found under one of the lorries with his gun which had jammed, and he was later tried at a court martial, convicted of murder, and hanged at Mountjoy Prison on November 20, 1920.

Two of the young soldiers were from Yorkshire, and their mothers were widows, and the other boy soldier - an orphan - from Salford, Manchester.

All this was a long time ago but the decision of the Fianna Fail Government to accord them State funerals with all the panolopy involved proves that there is no rejection by the Irish Government of the concept of physical force which led to British withdrawal.

The deaths of the three boy soldiers amounted to 'collateral damage' to coin a modern term and like the murder of all the other soldiers and police since, in the name of Ireland, they are regarded as but agents of a foreign State.

Yet, as the nephew of Kevin Barry rightly pointed out in a recent interview, there are undoubtedly a great many Irish people today whose relatives gave their lives for the Crown - for King and Country - in the 1920-22 period whether serving in the British Army or Royal Irish Constabulary, but their memory does not initiate any feeling of regret, far less remorse.

Protestants of the Orange tradition in Dublin learned a year ago that their tradition and culture counted for nothing when bully boys forced the cancellation of an innocent service of dedication and unveiling of a plaque in the city to mark the bicentenary of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland meeting in that city.

The meek surrender of a Church of Ireland city centre church in refusing to allow its premises to be used in connection with the proposed event, underlined the fact that modern Ireland has not changed as far as its rigid nationalist and Catholic loyalties are concerned.

Ulster Protestants will have been indifferent to the State event for the executed I.R.A. men and the hardline and triumphalist attitudes - the applause from the crowded pavements - will have merely reinforced them in their feelings that their religion and their British traditions and loyalties would have no recognition in an all-Ireland State.

Their co-religionists learned this from 1922 onwards, as Orange and Armistice Day ceremonies were brutally attacked and spoiled, and the enactment of legislation recognising the authority of the Roman Catholic Church in the country made the minority Protestants - and pro-British Roman Catholics - feel like aliens in their own land.

For those who would like friendlier and live-and-let-live attitudes on this island, the event of October 14 was a disillusioning affair, while for those who perceive the Republic to be hostile and unfriendly, it will bolster their cause.

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