|
We have travelled far - we could say downhill - since Mrs.
Thatcher said there would be no Southern input into Northern
Ireland affairs. Her No, No, No, became Yes, Yes, Yes when
she changed he mind, and with Garret FitzGerald produced the
Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985. Since then everything that
has happened has had to go through the filter of Southern
politicians whose intention is to ensure that the interests
of nationalists/republicans are secured. The Southern influence
on the affairs of Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom
affected everything that happened in the Province. The sum
of that influence has long been obvious, for since 1969 and
the emergence of the Provisional I.R.A. with the encouragement
of Southern in-office politicians, and the Republic's concentration
on Northern Ireland, without regard to its own involvement
in the Northern Ireland problem, the South's effect on Northern
Ireland has been entirely selfish and incredibly effective.
The reluctance of the United Kingdom Government to demand
an accounting from the Republic for the use of its territory
to mount attacks on Northern Ireland; the caches of arms and
ammunition there and the plush treatment of Sinn Fein/I.R.A.
have guaranteed easy passage for those who would be disdained
and disowned by any democratic regime elsewhere. The Belfast
Agreement has given the Republic such a say in Northern Ireland
and Westminster decisions that to speak of joint-government
is no longer inaccurate, for it is there if not by admittance
in reality. The shared judgment on the Agreement, and the
take-it or leave-it throw down of both Prime Ministers, is
the evidence that the UK government is more anxious to please
and satisfy nationalists/republicans than to make decisions
on the fair and just administration of its Northern Ireland.
The lack of similar consideration of Unionist needs and rights
is an indictment of a government whose self-interest and self-preservation
is primary and Northern Ireland is affected by what is expedient
for it. The concentration on the Agreement which is seen as
the vehicle for a settlement of the Northern Ireland problem,
with devolved government and shared administration, is understandable.
But how is a fair and just settlement to be reached without
its acceptance by unionism in totality? The very large NO
vote of the D.U.P., some of the U.U.P. and others should not
be ignored. Without their acceptance of whatever is offered
the prospect for Northern Ireland as envisaged in the Belfast
Agreement is not good. It could be that the refusal to include
them in and about Newton Park will mean a continuing confrontation
and refusal to co-operate, and so to negate whatever has been
offered. There can be no proper administration here unless
and until there is a recognition of Unionist needs in one
that is right for them. The failure of Unionism to speak and
act as one began when it fragmented into competing parties.
Time after time the much greater strength and wider influence
of nationalism/republicanism made the disunity of Unionism
appear to be as weakening as it was. We remain in that state
of uncertainty for the future, which is itself a preventive
to the full enjoyment of life in this good country. As Orangemen
we have our own programme for better government here. It is
devolved government, but one in which all the participants
have eschewed violence, not in words but deeds. That none
is other than a political party without a private army at
its call to threaten or to act for them. We want a peaceful,
prosperous society, to see the end of that violent verbal
and physical sectarianism which had bedevilled us for generations.
We believe the people could and would live together peaceably
and happily, as so many do, if we obtained an agreement just
and fair to all of them. Until we get that the prospect of
change to something better than what we have, is poor. Her
Majesty's Government must change course from attempting to
satisfy the incessant and increasing demands of SF/I.R.A.,
to meeting its responsibility to unionists, before any good
result can be obtained. Unionists do not have the consequential
support of governments and affluent supporters abroad. They
are on their own trying to maintain and nurture a culture
precious to them, against the heavy odds stacked against them.
They must think and act together and unitedly plan and work
for the kind of country in which civil and religious liberty
is for every citizen;
- That special privileges are for none;
- That the human personality is respected.
We want a society in which the individual is important and
where he has the respect and appreciation of his fellows.
We have no great expectation for the future just the hope
that one day we shall live together, with our differences
in religion and politics, respected and accepted. We ask for
no more than what is available to those who live in a good
society, where people matter and where they live together
in peace. What we hope for has to be worked for. There is
an imperative on those of us who think like this to produce
that for which we hope. There is merit in the saying, "Look
for the best and always do your best to bring it out."
|
