Time was when Orangemen - except when they were independents
on the Shankill Road - voted Ulster Unionist Party. After
all it was their party. They were there at its birth and their
support of it guaranteed its continuance. Those of them in
its leadership, and they were many, served it well. When the
UUP became the party in power with devolved government Orangemen
were ministers of state, and one of them was Prime Minister.
The Prime Ministers and leaders of the party were Orangemen
until the prorogation of the Northern Ireland Parliament in
1972 - James Craig, John Andrews, Basil Brooke, Terence O'Neill,
James Chichester-Clark and Brian Faulkner. Revolutionary change
occurred in Ulster politics in the aftermath of prorogation
and with the troubled seventies when unionists dissatisfied
with the performance of the UUP founded new unionist parties.
Some of them had short lives - the Vanguard Unionist Party
established in 1973 with William Craig as leader ceased to
function in 1978; the Unionist Party of Northern Ireland founded
in 1974 after the Sunningdale proposals had been rejected
by the UUP, with Brian Faulkner as leader to be succeeded
by Anne Dickson, was gone by 1979; the United Ulster Unionist
Party led by Ernest Baird and with other former Vanguard members
dated from 1977 to 1983; and the Popular Unionist Party of
Jim Kilfedder founded January, 1980 died with him. Unlike
these the Democratic Unionist Party, founded by Ian Paisley
in 1971, remains in competition with the UUP for the votes
of most unionist people. It incorporated the Protestant Unionist
Party which Dr. Paisley founded in 1964. Working also are
several small unionist parties. Divided unionism has become
part of the Northern Ireland political scene. UUP leaders
are Orangemen still but the brethren since the 1970s are not
supporters of one party even though the link between UUP and
the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland remains. Most Orangemen
have never been party members and they vote for unionist politicians
and parties regarded as most likely to maintain and further
their interests. The Institution recognising that its brethren
have different party loyalties and preferences, does not try
to influence them as to how they should vote. We have commented
on the adverse effect unionist divisions have had on Northern
Ireland politics. Unionism has not been strengthened by them,
on the contrary they have made it easier for others to make
decisions and to bring about changes unwanted by all unionists.
Government has used divisions in unionism to its advantage.
It has been a matter of you divide and we conquer. We have
appealed for accommodations from unionist parties to ensure
that unionists are elected to local councils and to Westminster.
We have warned against unionist absenteeism at the polls which
has meant that some have been elected by small numbers of
citizens eligible to vote. There is pleasure for someone who
wins an election but it is dimmed when the greater number
of should-be voters did not vote for him or her or think it
worth while to vote at all. Because Orangemen have influence
with families and friends much greater than their own considerable
strength it is to be hoped that they will exercise the franchise
to a man and encourage everyone they know to do their duty.
No one could over value the pending elections for the future
of Northern Ireland might well depend on how the electorate
register their votes. What they say by the polls will have
consequential effects on how we are governed and by whom at
local government and government levels. To predict post-election
results and effects is too chancy a business for us. We are
not prevented, though, from hoping that out of these elections
will come a stronger and more effective Unionism concerned
with the good of the country rather than the popularity and
prosperity of politicians and parties.
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