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The divisions in the Ulster Unionist Party have
been a cause of offence to unionists whether of the party
or not. It is regrettable that a "Yes" and "No"
to the Belfast Agreement was a reason for disagreement often
uncharitable, rancorous and a questioning of loyalties to
party and country and Unionism itself. It was inevitable that
a party with an inclusive spread of membership would have
to contend with diverse attitudes on matters of such crucial
importance as those contained in that Agreement. Other Unionist
parties of different origin are not affected with these problems.
They have memberships of people like-minded on all matters
of importance to them. How to live with differences of the
"Yes" and "No" kind is taxing on a party
which has been the natural home for generations of so many
unionists. The UUP if it is to continue and in what shape
and form is the problem it has to face. We may think that
the runaway to other unionist parties is inevitable. Their
strengths have been due in large part ot the intake of former
UUP people unhappy with the party for whatever reason. But
there is such a loyalty to it that its problems will be treated
with care and sensitivity by the membership for whom the UUP
is integral to the maintenance of the Union. It is their party
and they will do what it necessary to maintain it. While the
UUP has its problems, the SDLP has been the focus of attention
because of a report which criticises it for its several weaknesses.
We shall not repeat the well-publicised findings as we comment
on a party, which, whatever its condition is a main player
in the drama of Northern Ireland, has made a very large contribution
to the situation in which we now find ourselves. The influence
of John Hume on decisions of governments, congresses and conferences,
and the effect he has had on the thinking about Northern Ireland
by American Presidents and other world leaders has been considerable.
That he has been an effective apologist for nationalism is
unquestioned just as his understanding of unionism has been
doubted. His, and the SDLP's great achievement, was to bring
Sinn Fein into the political arena. The stated objective was
to obtain inclusive politics for the country. The politicisation
of Sinn Fein/I.R.A. made it a main participant in the Belfast
Agreement and all that pertained to it. The result for SDLP
has been hurtful in that the growth in electoral support for
Sinn Fein promises to so weaken the SDLP that it is likely
to supplant it as the main party of republicanism/nationalism.
Suffice to add here that the refusal of SDLP to co-operate
more realistically and effectively with the UUP and unionists
generally has been to the detriment of both parties and the
loss of the country. The response of Tony Blair and Labour
to the polls that gave election victories to Ken Livingstone,
the Tories and the Social Democrats, could be to call for
the next General Election on a date as late as possible. That
would allow more time and thought to be given to unionist
party tactics in our Northern Ireland constituencies, especially
those where unionist candidates opposing one another would
produce easy victories for Sinn Fein and SDLP. We hardly need
to add that our politicians at Westminster must be people
well equipped to plead our cases and to fight our corner against
odds which will always be staked against them.
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