Many people here are in the "slough of despond".
They do not look to the future with any expectation of a proper
and lasting settlement in the political and constitutional
crisis confronting us. The gulf fixed between unionists and
republicans - two diametrically opposed philosophies - is
so so wide that to anticipate a change of attitude from either
side is seen to be optimistic and beyond reason. The policy
of the Ulster Unionists after 30 years of terrorism - "No
guns: no governement" - is a totally rational one for
people who want a country in which there is peace, mutual
understanding and inter-community sharing without the threat
of violence. Their willingness to share government with nationalists
and republicans has to be dependent on the acceptance of the
norms in a democratic society for the republicans to surrender
their weapons. The Sinn Fein plea - set up the government
and let us all work together to take all the guns out of this
society - is totally unrealistic and insensitive when it is
addressed to those who have suffered every evil visited on
them by the I.R.A. for thirty years. To be asked by them to
resolve their problem is to invite ridicule, for without evidence
to the contrary there is the refusal of Sinn Fein to honour
their obligations in an Agreement predicted on the basis of
total commitment to peace in a violence-free society. There
can be no future for one constantly at risk from terrorist
threats. Only when the promise is kept to outlaw all illegal
weapons can we anticipate a peaceful and prosperous future
for the province. The speeches and debates on Northern Ireland
at last month's Conservative Party's conference on October
4-7, were a heartening recongition that the party has a better
understanding of the Unionist case than the Government and
the Labour Party. The forthright condemnation of terrorist
prisioner releases and the attack on the Patten report on
policing were the evidence that the party agrees with the
sentiments and statements of unionists on these subjects.
Lord Norman Tebbit, who has often defended unionism, was again
to the fore in speeches which minced no words in his analytical
expose of the wrong thinking by government which had contributed
very largely to the present impasse. His sympathy and understanding
when expressed in his typically robust style is much appreciated
by us. The reactions to his speeches and similar contributions
in the debate on Northern Ireland shows that today's Conservatives
are determined to fight for right in Ulster. Our own politicians
when they spoke to large numbers of delegates at fringe meetings,
as with David Trimble invited to speak to Conference, were
heard and encouraged by audiences who showed their appreciation
of politicians standing firm for what they also regarded as
being crucially important in the proper and peaceful settlement
of Northern Ireland. We are grateful for such expressions
of fellow feeling and hope that the political clout it represents
will be well used to thwart government measures set to undermine
unionism. We are ever conscious of the thinking of Labour
on Northern Ireland. It has shown little understanding of
the unionist cause and in the party there are several vocal
champions of Irish republicanism. The struggle for the soul
of the Province goes on and no unionist can be in doubt about
the determination of those in power to find a solution agreeable
to them and to be forced on us. For years now ewe have suffered
from pressures which resulted in accommodations to nationalists
and republicans in ways mainfestly unbalanced and unjust.
The preferential treatment has been so obvious that to quesiton
motive is an unnecessary exercise. The treatment Unionists
have received from government has been grossly unfair. But
to their credit they remian determined as ever to ensure that
Ulster Unionism stands firm against the forces ranged against
it and they are legion. That enthusiasm and the rightness
of our cause, is the strength of unionists. May it be so successful
that it proves again that right has defeated might. William
Hague, the Tory leader, in his government speech at once vigorous
and venomous attacked the government and Tony Blair for broken
promises in nearly every department, and for reasons listed
and spoken to with remarkable skill for a politician who is
not highly regarded for his public and platform performances.
The thrust of his speech, received with customary Tory round
of applause and standing ovation, was the clamant need for
"Commonsense Revolution". He argued that the promises
of Labour have not been kept and he cited examples which showed
that Tony Blair's pledges, when spoken or written, were often
not honoured. He illustrated this and used the promises made
to Unionists to persuade them to vote Yes for the Agreement.
He had affected the result but the unionists were left to
regret listening to him for the beneficiaries have been their
opponents. It is gratifying to unionists to have the support
of the Conservative Party but its political programme, however,
impressive, is not likely to affect the political power base
in the United Kingdom in the near future. We have the prospect
of dealing with Tony Blair and the Labour Party for some time
to come.
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