Ulster is British! That was the proud sign which once greeted
bus and rail travellers when they alighted at Glengall Street
in the heart of Belfast.
It was a sign that adorned the wall outside the Ulster Unionist
Party headquarters and it proclaimed to the world, and to
local people as well, that this loyal Province was part of
the United Kingdom and British Commonwealth and intended to
stay that way.
Well, the sign may have gone, and unionism may be ruptured
and fragmented, but the Union Jack still flies over a bloody,
bruised and battered Northern Ireland, but one which is still
separate politically from the rest of Ireland and is determined
that will remain the case.
At least, two-thirds of the Northern Ireland people want
the Province to have its own separate identity, and there
is a strong suspicion that a much higher percentage supports
that ideal.
The future of the United Kingdom may be in doubt, or so some
political pundits proclaim. Yet, there is abundant evidence
of a growing doubt about the merits of Scottish nationalism.
The Welsh variety is a tender plant indeed and the fact is
that the people of Wales are very much in favour of retaining
the link with the rest of the United Kingdom.
Scotland will have its own Parliament shortly and that should
satisfy the aspirations of those Scottish people who genuinely
believe this will meet the special requirements of a proud
race who have always been equals within the British family.
But whatever the future holds, and whatever course the British
state follows, Northern Ireland must remain separate politically
from the Republic of Ireland.
Ulster folk are prepared to live in friendship and harmony
- as equals - with the people of the Republic. Indeed, that
has been the way they have always wanted it since 1921.
But they are not prepared to barter away their precious British
citizenship in exchange for nationality of the Irish Republic
- a republic where there is scant understanding and appreciation
of the Ulster Protestant, unionist and Orange ethos.
Inspite of the assertions by the liberal and moderate 'chattering
classes' in Northern Ireland, the fact is that people in the
Republic largely view Ulster Protestants as an alien people.
Their view of the Protestant culture and identity is a less
than sympathetic one and anyone who reads the Southern papers,
listens to the radio or watches television will see just how
uncomprehending and unsympathetic the South is towards Ulster
Protestantism.
As far as Orangeism is concerned, it is regarded as being
something totally alien. Reports and observations on the Portadown
Orange District stand over Drumcree underlines the point.
Comments by most southern observers and opinion-formers paint
the Orangemen as being bigoted and irrational, in sharp contrast
to the largely sympathetic comments about Brendan McKenna
and the Garvaghy Road Coalition.
Once again the Republic is largely seen as defending the
ultra-republican and nationalist stance, with absolutely no
sign of that country being prepared to see the Orange and
unionist point of view in the dispute.
Britain has maintained a neutral and impartial view toward
the Drumcree dispute. Irish nationalism, on the other hand,
apart from the comments of a few praiseworthy writers and
politicians has been throwing its weight behind the Garvaghy
Road people.
And just remember the 'treatment' most of the press and media
gave the Orange Order last July, when it demonised the Order
and slandered it over crimes committed by people with no connections
with the Order.
The reporters and journalists jostled with one another at
Garvaghy and Drumcree to show the Orange in a bad light and
only a few admirable individuals in the ranks of the journalists
were prepared to go up to the Orange side of the hill and
show what was happening from that point of view.
But that is the price that has to be paid for membership
of a free country and a free society. Television cameras have
never been prevented from showing loyalist excesses on the
occasion when they occur. Such cameras and most journalists
have not been present when Protestants have been ethnically
cleansed in their tens of thousands from Londonderry, Garvaghy
Road, West Belfast, South Armagh and other areas.
For all Britain's faults - and there are many - the overwhelming
majority of Ulster Protestants, and many Roman Catholics prefer
to take their chance and remain citizens of a United Kingdom
which is truly pluralistic.
First Minister David Trimble talks bravely of the hopes of
a similar plural society in Northern Ireland, but given the
intransigence of the nationalist minority and its refusal
to show any understanding or appreciation of Orange and Unionist
culture, that is unlikely to happen on the same scale as the
mainland.
A minority which cannot find itself to welcome, far less
allow a 10-minute Christian church parade down a main thoroughfare
is unlikely to be more tolerant towards even more vital issues
affecting the future of Northern Ireland.
The truth is that Ulster nationalism has still not budged
from its trenches as far as recognising the British identity
is concerned. People in public life who refuse to accept British
honours, and politicians who consistently refuse to use the
proper name for 'Northern Ireland' are unlikely to mellow
in their opposition to the British identity of this loyal
Province.
Ulster Protestants, while being willing to share the prosperity
of this Province with their Roman Catholic fellow countrymen
and women, are not prepared to move from their British identity
and citizenship - a right bestowed on them by past generations
who suffered great persecution and hardship to pass on this
priceless gift.
'Ulster is British'. Yes, its a wonderful phrase, and a great
asset - one which every loyal citizen of this Province must
remain determined to preserve so that all people, regardless
of religion or politics, will enjoy the liberties and rights
which membership of the United Kingdom provides.
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